In 2015, President Reuven “Ruvi” Riviln delivered an address commonly referred to as “The Four Tribes” speech. In it, Rivlin asserted that Israeli society is now composed of four distinct tribes — Secular, National Religious, ultra-Orthodox, and Arab. However, Israel’s battle against the worldwide pandemic has emerged as the story of two tribes — the ultra-Orthodox (whose leaders have fought modernity for two centuries) and everyone else.

Arab, Secular, and National Religious doctors and nurses populate Israel's hospitals and health clinics in ratios that represent their share of the population. All have been tirelessly working together, risking their lives to treat ultra-Orthodox COVID-19 patients, who reportedly represent 50% of the patients in the hospitals in central Israel. Meanwhile, in a country accustomed to hearing about curfews and lockdowns only mandated by the army in the West Bank; B’nei Brak, the largest ultra-Orthodox city in the country is now fully locked down. In tandem with the police, IDF soldiers patrol the B’nei Brak streets, while providing basic necessities to inhabitants who are prohibited to leave their houses, or the city. B’nei Brak residents, as well as those in other ultra-Orthodox cities, have the highest COVID-19 infection rates in the country.

The State of Israel’s relationship with its ultra-Orthodox citizens has evolved over the years. In 1949, Israel's first Prime Minister, David Ben Gurion agreed to exempt 400 Yeshiva students from military service — despite the country’s desperate need for manpower. Ben Gurion believed that in light of the profound number of yeshivah students murdered during the Holocaust, Israel should foster an environment to allow for a renewal of that learning. Ben Gurion, a secular socialist, was sure his decision was only of temporary significance, as he believed exposure of the ultra-Orthodox community to the modern state of Israel would quickly result in their assimilation. At the same time, the ultra-Orthodox rabbis had faith their higher spiritual values would overcome the power of the secular state.

The ultra-Orthodox have always had a tortured relationship with the modern state. Their leaders have consistently opposed modern Zionism, believing that only the Messiah could bring redemption to the Jewish people in the Land of Israel. Once the state of Israel was established, most ultra-Orthodox were willing to accept aid from the state, but refused to be involved in the institutions of the state. That state aid, which included generous welfare payments to parents for every Israeli child allowed the ultra-Orthodox to grow from a modest-sized group, to over 13% of Israel's population in 2020.

With the ascension of the Likud to power in 1977, the ultra-Orthodox European (Ashkenazi) parties entered into an alliance with the ruling party. That alliance brought more significant funding for the ultra-Orthodox community, and eventually, a willingness on their part to participate in governing — in return for ever more funding, and ever more extensive exemptions from military service.

Eventually, the Likud/ultra-Orthodox alliance also led to holding of positions in the government; initially not any minister, but as a deputy Minister for Health (without benefit of a separate minister in charge), so as not to carry the burden of collective responsibility. However, when the Israeli Supreme Court said that arrangement was illegal, Health Minister Ya’akov Litzman received permission from his rabbi, Chief Rabbi of the Gur Hasidim, to become a full minister. Thus, the final barrier to involvement in the government was broken.

Until recently, Litzman was a reasonably accessible, beloved minister. He instituted dental care for children and spoke out against McDonald's and junk food. It was always known he took special care to ensure members of his Hasidic sect received preferential treatment, but that did not impact his popularity. What did affect Litzman’s reputation was an investigation on how he had blocked extradition of a woman to Australia in order to face charges of sexual exploitation of minors. He was investigated, and the police have recommended Litzman be indicted; an indictment that is awaiting a green light from the Attorney General who is currently reviewing the case.

It is, however, Litzman’s conduct during the current pandemic that has made him the most disliked member of the government. Litzman, who does not possess a high school diploma, has been nominally in charge of the country's efforts to fight the Coronavirus. In that role, the Health Minister appears to have repeatedly taken the narrow sectorial perceived interest of his religious order over the greater good. For instance, Litzman reportedly pushed to delay flight bans from locations where Gur Hasidim live worldwide. However, even more problematic, Litzman kept pushing to allow communal prayer to continue, even when statistics indicated that synagogues were the primary place in which people became infected.

Yet, Litzman’s greatest failure remains one of public relations within his own community. After the public schools in the country were closed, many ultra-Orthodox rabbis declared that continued scriptural study would keep students safe. Long after the overwhelming majority of Israelis would not think of entering a crowd, there were still large weddings and funerals taking place in the ultra-Orthodox community.

Numerous members of the ultra-Orthodox community, now suffering tremendously, says it did not know, that no one warned them of the dangers the Coronavirus presents. Since most in that community have neither televisions nor internet, they can be excused for not understanding the gravity of the situation. However, the Minister of Health, who is a leader in their community, has no such excuse.

Litzman’s greatest historic shortcoming is that in this time of crisis, he saw himself as the representative of the community to the government. He pushed for actions that were ultimately harmful to his community, instead of serving as the representative of the government and helping establish essential protective measures within his community. It was not Litzman’s responsibility to fight to keep open synagogues, but to convince the leadership of the ultra-Orthodox community of the lurking dangers in doing so. Although the ultra-Orthodox community now understands, they will pay a heavy price in life and sickness for the delay.

Outside ultra-Orthodox communities, after two weeks of home confinement, the country as a whole is finally seeing a decline in infection rates. Nevertheless, until infection rates are under control in the ultra-Orthodox communities, it will be very hard for the entire country — now suffering from a 25% unemployment rate to start exiting from its hibernation.